Monday, December 26, 2011

#MaryLand - Carroll Trust Fund - Bel Air Los Angeles Amazing Howard Hughes Carroll Trust Biggest FBI Organized Crime Case

It has emerged in American and British media reports on the massive Carroll Foundation Maryland Trust tax evasion fraud scandal that new explosive files have revealed that the Carroll Trust is connected to the late billionaire Howard Hughes estate which follows on from further disclosures in the international media that the reclusive Howard Hughes is thought to have occupied a Bel Air mansion in Los Angeles at 10001 Bel Air road close to the Carroll Trust's Californian Bel Air estate interests. Los Angeles sources have confirmed that these further revelations are now fueling speculation that the Hughes Carroll estate affair could be much larger than presently declared.

In a stunning twist well seasoned Californian political observers close to this case of international importance have disclosed that Loeb & Loeb Los Angeles law firm are explicitly named as the US lawyers to the Carroll Foundation Trust in the compelling criminal evidence dossiers which are believed to contain a startling litany of forged and falsified Delaware registered Carroll Trust Corporations directly linked to fraudulent HSBC International offshore numbered bank accounts “incorporated” in the tax havens of the Gibraltar and Nassau Bahamas which effectively impulsed this billion dollar money laundering heist which stretches the globe. ... read more

Thursday, December 22, 2011

The Cardiff Five : We Have Lived Through Hell Since 1988 We Deserve A Public Inquiry

The destructive effect of one of Britain's worst miscarriages of justice was laid bare yesterday as the surviving members of the "Cardiff Five" joined together to demand a public inquiry into the collapse of Britain's biggest police corruption trial.
Stephen Miller, Tony Paris and John Actie told The Independent how they have struggled to find work, form relationships and suffered from psychological problems after being wrongly accused of the 1988 killing of Lynette White, a Cardiff prostitute.

The case against eight former police officers accused of fabricating evidence against them was abandoned in disarray this month after documents in the case were destroyed. The scrapping of the trial, which cost the the taxpayer an estimated £30m, is currently the subject of two official inquiries.

Mr Miller, 45, who spent four years in prison before being freed on appeal, said yesterday that he felt cheated after the case collapsed. "I spent four years in prison for something I didn't do. It nearly sent me crazy," he said.

"The whole legal system has let me down from 1988. It's been a nightmare from that day. They expect me to melt into the background. But for 23 years I have been fighting this case and I have thought about it every day. Everything has been on hold: friends, relations and family. For as long as I can breathe, I am going to be a thorn in their side."

The three men made the joint appeal for a judge-led public inquiry after the collapse of the corruption case raised questions about the ability of the criminal justice system to investigate itself.

In a letter to the Justice Secretary, Kenneth Clarke, Home Secretary Theresa May and the Attorney General, Dominic Grieve, they called for an inquiry that was "robust, expeditious and truly independent" from the police corruption case. The inquiries are being carried out by the Crown Prosecution Service and the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC), which from 2004 oversaw the police inquiry that led to the aborted corruption trial.

Mr Miller and Mr Paris, 54, who also spent four years in prison, both gave evidence at the corruption trial and felt they had been "violated all over again" during cross-examination, according to the letter. Mr Paris said: "I was devastated. I couldn't understand how this could happen. We will always be connected to this case. If the police did their job properly first time round, we'd never have been charged or gone to jail."

He said his marriage broke up while he was in prison, and that he now sees a psychiatrist once a month. "You don't trust anyone, you don't go anywhere, you're a recluse," he continued.

"We're left in limbo. It's like watching a movie and when you get to the best part, it stops. You think it's going to come back on – but it doesn't. You're stuck and there's nothing that you can do."

South Wales Police launched the original inquiry after Ms White was found stabbed more than 50 times in her flat near the docks. Police were hunting for a white man based on initial witness accounts – but the five black men were arrested. Mr Miller was subjected to days of hostile questioning until he made a "confession" after more than 300 denials. After a long trial, Mr Miller, Yusef Abdullahi (who died this year) and Mr Paris were found guilty of the killing – in part based on the accounts of witnesses who had been bullied by police. Two other men, cousins John and Ronnie Actie, were acquitted. Ronnie Actie died in 2007. John Actie said: "Although I was found not guilty by the jury, since coming out I have been attacked, bottled and called a murderer."

The convictions were overturned by the Court of Appeal in 1992, when Lord Chief Justice Taylor ruled: "Short of physical violence, it has hard to conceive of a more hostile and intimidating approach by officers to a suspect."

After a second investigation, Jeffrey Gafoor, a client of Ms White, pleaded guilty to her murder. He is currently serving a life sentence.

An investigation into police corruption was then launched, conducted by the same South Wales force. The trial against the officers was ended after the senior investigating officer, Chris Coutts, told junior officers to dispose of files. Mr Miller, who co-operated with police during the corruption trial, felt let down. "It's like I have been assaulted twice," he said. "I know these officers aren't going into court again but something needs to be done. I'm still going through my nightmare and I don't know when I'm going to wake up."

Matthew Gold, Mr Miller's solicitor, said despite the huge cost of the inquiries and a dedicated team appointed to ensure documents were properly recorded, mistakes were still made. "That has to be of real public concern. A public inquiry must be held to help police and prosecutors from ensuring that this does not happen again," he said.

South Wales police said a public inquiry would not be appropriate because of the other ongoing more

Saturday, December 17, 2011

Who Killed The Kennedy's ?

LBJ from his "Assault on Precinct 13" & his first steps on the road to his "Nightmare on Elm Street" & presidency was the man that made the moves & all controlled by papa Bush 

"They Live" in a world we know nothing about... that we don't even want to know about because we don't want to know the more

Tuesday, November 29, 2011

Paedophilia is easy: how police finally caught up with a network of child abusers

Published October 2000 No comments... »
A little way south of the centre of Bristol, there is a neat and peaceful patch of suburbia called Brislington. In amongst its red-brick rows of Victorian terraced homes, there is a street called Churchill Road – just an ordinary collection of two-storey houses with patches of grass out back and a couple of For Sale signs in the front. The door to number 49 is painted cream.

In October 1997, a woman telephoned the police in Bristol to say that she was worried about her nephew, Ricky. He was 15 years old, he had had some trouble in his family, and the thing was that he kept going off for a day or two at a time and then, when he came back, he had new clothes or little gifts and he wouldn’t say how he had got them. Was he stealing, was he mixed up in drugs? It worried her, and all she knew was that Ricky was going to a house at 49 Churchill Road.

As a result of that call, the police opened the cream-coloured door and uncovered a rats’ nest of child abuse – a full-blown paedophile ring. The house was a honey trap, fitted out with a gaming machine, a sauna, plenty of videos and drink and drugs and anything else that might persuade a wandering boy to come in off the streets. Inside the house, some of the boys had been slowly groomed for the sexual pleasure of men who lived there. Others had been simply raped. Some had been given heroin to keep them compliant. Several had been forced into prostitution. Some of the abusers had been busy for twenty years.

Three years on, the officers of Avon and Somerset’s Child Protection Team have identified 89 boy victims, aged between 6 and 16. They have run four major trials at which victims have told stories of unmitigated pain and exploitation. Twelve men have been convicted of rape, forced buggery, indecent assault, supplying heroin and living off prostitution. Many of the men admitted their guilt and they have been jailed for a total of 66 years. The police have also uncovered allegations of murder and found links between the house in Bristol and addresses in south Wales as well as Holland and France. And yet, all this conceals a deeper story.

This other story begins some four years before that phone call to police – with other phone calls, other alarm bells ringing. By October 1994, social services and police in Bristol had been warned repeatedly that vulnerable boys were being sexually abused at 49 Churchill Road.
The loudest warning had come from a gay social worker, whose boyfriend was living in the house. Neither the social worker nor the boyfriend had any interest in child abuse. The social worker was worried about a 14-year-old boy who had run away from a children’s home and then returned in an agitated state, constantly washing himself in the shower. Through the boyfriend, he discovered that the runaway had been staying at 49 Churchill Road and that there were clear signs of paedophile activity there. The social worker went to the social services department. The police interviewed his boyfriend, who told them all he knew about the honey trap and the boys and the drugs and the sexual abuse. And there was more.

Other social workers had reported separately that a 13-year-old boy who was on their register of children at risk, was believed to have become embroiled in Bristol’s rent boy scene: he was disappearing for days at a time, he was believed to be using strong drugs and he was found to be carrying a piece of paper with a phone number – which was traced to 49 Churchill Road. Two other boys who had been living in a children’s home had been reported to be visiting the house; one had been caught up in an earlier inquiry into child pornography. Worse still, a social worker who was based at the children’s home was said to have introduced a vulnerable boy to the men in the house.

On October 7 1994, Avon’s Child Protection Committee held a special meeting to discuss what they themselves described as “a potential paedophile ring” at 49 Churchill Road. Three social workers and a police inspector reviewed all the clues and agreed to check all their records and to interview the children they believed to be involved; the social workers sent a minute of the meeting to their area manager; the police inspector said he would talk to his superintendent and to the Crown Prosecution Service; the wheels all started to turn… and essentially nothing happened. The door stayed closed. Two years later, two more boys made allegations about the house. Again, the door stayed closed. The rape and seduction and all the rest of it continued unabated as it had done for years before.

The big point here is that there is nothing unusual in that kind of failure to uncover and prosecute child abuse. Paedophilia is the least effectively policed crime in Britain. It is grossly under-reported by its victims: just like the adult victims of sex abuse, they suffer from shame and the anticipation of disbelief in court; in addition, they are far more easily confused and intimidated by their abusers. Police generally make almost no attempt to go out and uncover unreported abuse: while every police force in the country pours resources into fighting drugs and robbery and burglary, only a handful of the thirty two police forces have proactive paedophile units. The News of the World’s summer campaign to name paedophiles may have been grossly misfocused in its demand, but in its essential complaint about the profound weakness of the policing of paedophilia, the paper had its finger on a national scandal.
The operation which finally destroyed the Bristol ring broke through this wall of inaction, not because anyone in the Home Office or the Association of Chief Police Officers finally had the courage to address the scandal, but simply because of the chance involvement of several unusual individuals.

It so happened that in the autumn of 1996, a young detective sergeant named Rob Jones had moved to Avon and Somerset’s Child Protection Team. He knew that this was an odd thing to do, that child protection had always been written off by most detectives as ‘women’s work’. The unit didn’t investigate cases at all. They just supplied back-up for social workers and advice for families and children who found themselves in police hands. It was no place for a real detective. But Rob Jones is an odd man, not simply because he is one of nature’s outsiders, but because he is a black belt in karate, a discipline which has given him unusual strength of will and self-confidence. He really didn’t mind if his CID colleagues thought he was soft; he thought child protection was serious police work.

He was joined by two experienced detective constables, Pete Mainstone and Phil Brown, and together they set about changing the unit so that it would go out and actively look for abused children. It was Pete Mainstone who took the call from Ricky’s worried aunt in October 1997. And instead of merely processing it, as just about any other child protection unit in the country would have done, he pushed to find out more. He arranged to meet Ricky with his aunt and he checked intelligence records and found that the house in Churchill Road was already suspect. And Jones, sensing a chance to make a point, prepared for the possibility of a full-scale inquiry.

Almost every step was a struggle against inertia. Ricky was reluctant to talk, but slowly he agreed to tell what he knew. He spoke of rent boys coming to the house; there was a suggestion that pornographic films were being made; he spoke of a stream of men who visited; he broke down and described eventually how he had been buggered relentlessly and against his will by two men; and he named them. One was Christopher Leek, now aged 44, a costume dresser who had worked on The Bill and who owned the house. He had been using it as a honey trap for years, but Avon and Somerset Police had no intelligence on him. The other man, however, was notorious: Tony Stevens, now aged 45, had a long history of abusing boys. He had previously called himself Mark Underhill, but he was better known to under-aged rent boys in Bristol and south Wales as Fat Tony or Lard Arse and, although he had never been convicted in Britain, he had been arrested and jailed in Portugal in 1993 with two other British men after being caught paying local children to make pornographic videos in their camper van.
Rob Jones knew he was onto something terribly important, but he and the two DCs could work on the case only part time, while they continued with conventional child protection work. They needed extra resources: surveillance officers to watch the house in Churchill Road; technical support so they could video those coming and going; more officers to follow up on the leads which Ricky had given them. Jones managed to borrow three officers from other units, but that was all. There was a big push on car crime in Bristol and the force could not spare him any more. After months of frustration, Jones decided to take a chance: he got a warrant to search the house and persuaded his bosses to give him proper back-up for just one night.

He was taking a risk: Ricky, who had kept ducking out of appointments, had now disappeared without signing his statements and, if they found nothing in the house, they would have no evidence with which to charge the paedophiles and they would have squandered the tiny credibility they enjoyed with their bosses. On the night of February 3 1998, Avon and Somerset Police finally opened the door at 49 Churchill Road.

They found the whole place had been sanitised: no boys; no drugs; a computer hard disk that had been professionally wiped; photographic equipment all boxed up and stowed away. It turned out that during the long months of delay, Ricky had told the men in the house that he had been talking to the police, and they had covered their tracks. There was no evidence there to justify a charge. But, by sheer persistence, they had managed to track down Ricky only hours before the raid, and he had signed his statements. On that basis, they now arrested Christopher Leek and Fat Tony Stevens. As they searched the house, a boy named Andrew arrived. He started to talk, painting the same picture as Ricky, describing indecent assaults which he had suffered, and crucially he added the names of other boy victims and other men.
Now, Rob Jones had a full-blooded investigation. But he was running it out of a shoebox. He needed more detectives to carry out interviews; he needed an incident room with a computer system with HOLMES software for major inquiries and he needed admin officers to run it. But all he was given a single terminal and a part-time inputter. Why would the Child Protection Team need an incident room? At least one senior officer was actively arguing for the whole inquiry to be stopped immediately. And Jones had a more immediate worry: if Leek and Stevens got bail, he would have no chance of getting their victims to talk. Ricky had told them that the two men had not only instructed him to stop talking to the police but had taken him to a solicitor to file a complaint that the police were harrassing him. At this moment, another unusual individual joined the inquiry.

Brendan Moorhouse is a barrister, working for the Crown Prosecution Service in their New Bridewell office in the centre of Bristol. He could have earned a lot more in private practice, but he was not interested. When he was a child, he and his family had survived a major aircrash in which other passengers had died. His survivor’s sense of guilt was inflamed by anger when the airline eventually paid generous compensation to the families of American passengers but very little to British families whose legal position was much weaker. He had grown up in apartheid South Africa with a real drive for justice and, when Rob Jones asked for his help, he made it his business not simply to act as a CPS case worker but to guide the police inquiry, more like an American district attorney.

From the first day, he organised a special strategy. They would build a big picture for the jury, aiming where possible to keep different offenders together in the same dock with a collection of their victims as witnesses. It would be much harder work than simply running a sequence of small trials, but it was their best chance of showing the jury the truth. And immediately, Moorhouse volunteered to turn up in court personally to take charge of every bail application. His first success was to keep Leek and Stevens behind bars while Rob Jones’ officers tracked down their victims.

For three months, with Brendan Moorhouse’s guidance, Jones’ small team gathered more evidence. By June, they had 15 victims and a queue of men waiting to be arrested – and still no extra resources. And, behind the scenes, senior officers had now made up their minds to pull the plug. They had appointed a new chief inspector to run the Child Protection Team and briefed him to stop the job before it got any bigger – no more arrests, no more fresh inquiries. That was it. At this point, Jones’ team had two strokes of luck. First, the new chief inspector, Ian Appleton, turned out to be a man who understood what they were doing, and he fought for them and, against the grain, he finally got them their own incident room and even some cars. Rob Jones assembled a ‘dirty dozen’ officers, begged and borrowed from uniformed work or from district CID teams. ‘Operation Panorama’ was born. The second stroke of luck was the arrival of a new chief constable, Steve Pilkington, who agreed to support the inquiry in a way that some of his predecessors and many of his contemporaries would not. On July 7 1998, nine months after the first call from Ricky’s aunt and with the back-up they needed in place at last, Jones’ team co-ordinated a series of dawn arrests. Now, they had a total of ten men in custody. And the story they were uncovering was horrific.

Following the grapevine of victims, they traced a 26-year-old Welshman named Wayne, who had first become a victim of Fat Tony Stevens 14 years earlier, when he was only 12. Wayne told them how he had grown up in a village near Caerphilly in south Wales and how, when he was only six or seven, he had joined a stamp club which was run by an adolescent boy called Alan Williams. Wayne was not to know that Williams was already acting out the most furious fantasies of child abuse and was to grow up to become one of the most ruthless and exploitative abusers in Britain, a multiple rapist and child pornographer known in the paedophile world as the Welsh Witch.

Wayne described how Williams asked him to stay behind after stamp club and introduced him to an old man, who smelled bad. They bent him over an armchair, stripped off his trousers, held his head down in the cushion and took it in turns to bugger him. He screamed and they pushed his head so deep into the cushion that he thought he would suffocate. Then they threw him out, and Wayne recalled how he wandered off in a state of grievous pain and panic and found himself in his infant school playground where he announced his turmoil in the only way that occurred to him. He started picking up stones and hurling them at the windows. When he was marched home with a shower of broken glass behind him, his father was furious with him, so Wayne never even tried to tell what had happened. He knew no one would believe him if he did.
From that day, Wayne became a plaything for Alan Williams and his adult friends. They would wait for him outside school. He changed his route home; they tracked him down. They told him, if he ever betrayed them, they would kill his dog and hurt his sister and tell his family he was queer. Sometimes, they gave him cannabis and LSD. If they wanted him during the day, they would send the school forged letters from his parents to justify his absence. This had been going on intermittently for four or five years, when Alan Williams first introduced him to Fat Tony Stevens.

Wayne said he was coming out of school when Williams came up beside him in a car with a man. They gave him some dope to smoke and some Pernod and drove him to a house in Roath on the edge of Cardiff. Fat Tony was waiting there, and all three of them now went for him at once, in his backside and in his mouth at the same time. When he eventually got home, his father beat him with a belt for being so late back from school. Wayne took to sniffing glue; the more delinquent he became, the more vulnerable he was. Fat Tony and the others abused him in chalets and caravan parks, on the dunes at Ogmore beach in Swansea, and in each other’s houses. They took him to other paedophiles and swapped him for their boys for the night. “I wanted to die,” Wayne told the police. “I wanted them to die.”

The house in Churchill Road became a magnet for Fat Tony and his obsessive friends – Army John, Rob the Van Man, Kevin the Gerbil, a vicar called Tim, Gerry the Dog, Peter the ice-cream man who was too obese to act out most of his fantasies, a 61-year-old dope dealer called Alan Tanner, and the Welsh Witch Alan Williams. The house was a paedophile playground. Chris Leek, who owned it, rented out rooms, many of them to men looking for young boys. Fat Tony himself eventually took one of them. Leek spent hours down on Anchor Road in the middle of Bristol, where the old public toilets, deep in the shade of a clutch of maple trees, were the main market place for the city’s rent boys. He picked them up and brought them home, gave them drugs and used them for sex. Then he passed them on to Fat Tony and the others.

Sometimes the rent boys sold themselves willingly. Other times, they were raped. The men also targetted boys from two local schools and picked up runaways from childrens’ homes, offering them the safety of a bed in Churchill Road. One was picked up hitchhiking and raped at knife point. Another had the misfortune to use a schoolbus which picked him up each afternoon in Anchor Road, just opposite the notorious toilets. Two of Leeks’s friends, Alan Tanner and Sean Robberts, spotted him, chatted him up, offered him drugs and physically forced him to give Tanner a blow job. He was 12 when it started. By the time he was 14, he was ruined, and the two men were selling him in the toilets.

Older boys were just as vulnerable. One boy described how, as a 17-year-old, he had fled from his family home, where his father had been using him for sex. He stayed with a friend, had a row about the rent and found himself homeless. One of the men from Churchill Road found him and offered him safe haven. Fat Tony Stevens liked the look of him and, as the boy later told Operation Panorama officers: “He ripped my trousers off, put a condom on and fucked me. I felt like my life had been taken, like I had been stabbed. It went on for ages. I just closed my eyes, imagining I was dead. He finished, got up, walked out and said ‘Thanks’ – like I gave it to him.”
The police found that Leek had been reaping a financial and sexual bonus by forcing some of the boys to sell themselves. One 13-year-old made the mistake of asking him for cannabis: Leek gave him heroin to smoke, got him addicted, forcibly buggered him and then later put him to work in the toilets in Anchor Road under threat of cutting off his supply. The boy who had run away from his father’s abuse was eventually paid £14,000 compensation. Chris Leek persuaded him to invest it in a building society in their joint names and then spent almost all of the money himself. When the boy lost his job and could no longer pay his rent. Leek was furious, threw a coffee table at him, threatened to throw him out on the street – and took him down to Anchor Road and started selling him to punters, keeping some of the money for himself.

Working their way through this, the Operation Panorma team soon found themselves in an ever-increasing web of reported offences. By the beginning of 1999, they had some 80 possible victims and more than 60 suspected abusers – and only ten of them had been arrested. Some of those who were still at large were prolific paedophiles. The man who was known to the boys at Churchill Road as ‘Army John’ turned out to be John Gay, now aged 49, whose history of vicious abuse went back even further than Fat Tony Stevens’. Police discovered that he was a close friend of the Welsh Witch, Alan Williams, and that he had been abusing Wayne when he was only six or seven years old. They were told he posed variously as a police officer and an AIDS researcher to get close to his targets.

Gay was also close to Fat Tony Stevens, although in a peculiarly perverse way. In custody, Stevens told police that Gay had raped him when he was 13 and he agreed to press charges against him. Equally, however, Stevens had colluded with Gay in the abuse of children and was one of the two British men who had been jailed with Stevens in Portugal in 1993 after turning their camper van into a mobile porn studio. The third man in the camper van, Lee Tucker, was almost equally prolific, a small mouse-like man, now aged 36, who worked as a courier and teamed up with Gay in an awesomely destructive double act. For twenty years, they had travelled through Bristol and South Wales, obsessively buggering and indecently assaulting young boys. Tucker, too, had assaulted the young Wayne, raping him first in the dunes at Swansea. But Gay and Tucker and the dozens of other suspects remained free.

With ten men in custody awaiting trial and sixty more waiting to be investigated, this had become a very big job. At the CPS, Brendan Moorhouse was working in an office which had lost more than a quarter of its lawyers through funding cuts. It was a full time job simply dealing with the ten men who had been arrested so far, trying to convince one bench after another that they should not be given bail, that their accusers really were victims even if they did have criminal records or drug habits. And he was juggling all this with some 250 other cases. His determination to hold all the defendants together to make a big picture for the jury made the job even more complex. The only way to cope was to use his own time, and on a considerable scale. On the eve of the ten men’s committal hearing, for example, Moorhouse worked right through Saturday, slept for one hour and then worked through the rest of the night and all of Sunday to prepare the case. One of his administrative staff came in from annual leave to pull together the paperwork.

For senior officers at Avon and Somerset police, the big problem was the Home Office, who now steer police activity with a list of “best value performance indicators”, on which each force is judged. There are 37 of them. They deal with recorded crimes and domestic burglaries and violent crimes and drug-dealing; they cover efficiency-savings and complaints and ethnic balance and 999 calls. But there is nothing anywhere in any of them about child abuse. By diverting resources into Operation Panorama, Avon and Somerset was risking its corporate neck with the Home Office and HM Inspector of Constabulary.

At current strength, Panorama could just about cope with prosecuting the ten men. At one point, they lost their hard-earned incident room, when a murder squad pushed them out. The pool typists were too busy on the murder to type up their statements. Jones had borrowed an officer from the fraud squad, but after a while they had taken her back. There was no chance of Panorama being given extra resources to deal with the 60 new suspects, all of whom remained at liberty more than a year after the last wave of arrests. Instead, the Panorama officers ran a risk assessment on them, singled out Gay and Tucker as the two most dangerous, and looked forward to the moment when they could spare the officers to start investigating them. They would have given the Welsh Witch Alan Williams the same priority, but he had escaped justice, by dying in a mess or heroin and AIDS during delay. The dozens of other suspects were put on the back burner.

In September 1999, without a single word of national publicity, Jones’ team began three linked trials at Bristol Crown Court. By December, every defendant either had pleaded guilty or had been convicted by a jury. The ‘big picture’ strategy had worked. Most of them were jailed – Christopher Leek for twelve years, Tony Stevens for eight. The judge commended Rob Jones and his team.

By the time the trials were over, John Gay and Lee Tucker had been arrested, and the Panorama team were ready to gather more evidence on them and to get to grips with the long queue of up to 60 other suspects. With the triumphant success of the the trials behind them, they hoped to be given a clear run. But the truth was that their time was running out. Avon and Somerset police had by now ploughed huge resources into the inquiry, on a scale that was unmatched by other forces and, crucially, that was unsupported by the Home Office. The Bristol detectives could pursue all the loose ends effectively only by setting up a full time paedophilia unit. But the pressure from Whitehall was to focus resources on the 37 performance indicators. Senior officers regretfully told Rob Jones’ team that they must look for ‘an exit strategy’. In the meantime, the team was cut back. Six of their twelve officers were taken. They were already short of admin staff. Now they lost another and had to use a constable, who happened to be able to type, to input information into the computer.

On this limited basis, they launched a new inquiry, Operation Parallel. They drew up a list of priority targets, weeding out those whose victims were reluctant to give evidence or whose offences were historic and/or minor. In this way, they discarded some 40 of the suspects. They had done their best to satisfy themselves that they were not dangerous. It was, as one officer put it, “a harsh decision”. Now, in the final stage of the ‘exit strategy, Jones’ reduced team were given a dozen extra detectives for a single week in March this year, to arrest and process the dozen or so suspects who remained on their list.

This time, it was a very different operation. Jones’ officers knew that they were not expected to press victims for information about other offenders and other abusers. It was over. And while they made sure that they themselves dealt with Gay and Tucker, the others who were arrested were farmed out to the divisional detectives who had been temporarily attached to them – good enough officers but with no special interest in child abuse and some of them working for senior officers who were irritated to find their people being distracted by crimes that had not been committed on their division.

John Gay and Lee Tucker were tried last month (Sept) at Swindon Crown Court. After twenty years of unremitting abuse, unhindered by a single British conviction, Gay was finally sent to prison for twelve years for two counts of buggering Wayne when he was under 16, seven counts of indecently assaulting Wayne and two other under-aged boys, four counts of supplying drugs, and one count of forced buggery on the boy who had been deliberately addicted to heroin by his friend, Christopher Leek. Lee Tucker, who had similarly escaped any punishment from a British court for his long career of paedophilia, was jailed for eight years on nine counts of buggering and indecently assaulting under-aged boys as well as administering them stupefying drugs. Tucker, however, had been given bail so that he could be treated for the HIV virus and, three days before the jury’s verdict, he jumped bail and vanished. As a result of his conviction, the CPS decided not to try Gay for raping the adolescent Tony Stevens.

By the time their work was over, the Bristol Child Protection Team, with the support of Brendan Moorhouse in the CPS, presented a model for the investigation of child abuse – a 100% conviction rate against serious and unreported child abuse. Even though they had eventually run out of resources, they had torn the heart out of a sprawling network of abusers who had flourished for up to twenty years. The detectives had demonstrated the dramatic effect of proactive investigation. They had shown that boy prostitutes needed to be seen as victims and not as offenders. They had proved the value of pain-staking and time-consuming work to set up complex ‘big picture’ trials. Within the CPS, Moorhouse and two colleagues had set up special procedures to deal with child abuse and opened a hot line to encourage police get in touch at the earliest stage of inquiries. They had also started training for detectives and social workers.
And yet, none of this is standard practice in the rest of the country. Almost without exception, Child Protection Units continue to operate passively, leaving investigations to mainstream CID who are preoccupied with drugs and property crime. Even those few forces who have set up proactive units, invest only minimal resources. In the Bristol CPS, Moorhouse has made himself a specialist in the prosecution of child abuse dealing with its unusual legal rules and problems of evidence. But throughout the CPS nationally, the policy now is to move away from specialist case workers in favour of generalists.

The difference between Bristol and the standard approach was revealed with horrible clarity when they agreed to hand over to South Wales the prosecution of five offenders who lived there. Using the procedures and strategy which are routine throughout this country, South Wales lost every single case. Even Lee Tucker, who was convicted on every count he faced at Swindon Crown Court, walked away when South Wales handled him.

The political reality is that the Home Office continue to steer police resources into dealing with reported crime, like vehicle theft and burglary: the most unreported crime in the country carries little political weight. In its major 1996 inquiry, Childhood Matters, the NSPCC concluded that: “The legal system, designed to provide justice and redress for victims of abuse, is failing to do so consistently.” That warning has been repeated with some passions by Lady Justice Butler-Sloss, who wrote the report of the Cleveland child abuse scandal; Alan Levy QC, who investigated the pin-down scandal in Staffordshire; Sir William Utting, who conducted two searching reviews of child abuse. “Patent abusers are not convicted or even prosecuted,” he said. The Home Office’s own research, commissioned in 1995, concluded that they needed “a radical improvement in the investigation and prosecution of offenders” including the training of specialist prosecution barristers. The Home Office has no more listened to any of these urgent warnings that Wayne’s dad listened when the six-year-old boy was being raped by Alan Williams and his friends.

Looking back over the twenty- year orgy of destruction, the Bristol officers recalled how, by the time he was 16, Wayne was gorging himself on steroids in the hope that a bloated body might protect him from the paedophiles. It didn’t: Gay and Tucker exported him to Germany to make hard-core pornography. The detectives described how one of the victims, now in his 20s, had recently been charged with trying to murder a man – because he saw him talking to his son and thought he must be trying to abduct him. Another victim, also now adult, saw a man flicking a one-pound coin in a pub, thought he was offering to buy him and went berserk. “You would not believe the damage that stays with these victims. And basically, these men got away with it for twenty years because the police were looking at other things. And in ten or fifteen years from now, the danger is that someone else is going to have to clear out whatever mess we didn’t deal with.”

Rob Jones is still working in the Child Protection Team in Bristol. Last year, he looked around him and saw Avon and Somerset police running all kinds of crime prevention schemes. They had Horsewatch, Caravanwatch, Boatwatch, Farmwatch, schemes for burglary, schemes for car crime – but nothing to protect children. And so he devised his own package of proactive child protection to protect children from abuse, particularly in the world of sport. He called it Child Safe. It was the only such scheme in the country and, once he had set it up in Bristol, he set out to spread it to other forces and recruited a mass of footballing stars, including Gary Lineker, Alan Shearer and Kevin Keegan, to help him. Some forces have now adopted it. Others are not so keen. They say it’s women’s work.

* Note that to protect their privacy, the names of all victims in this story have been changed.
Tomorrow: The Amsterdam Connection

See below for those convicted

Christopher Leek, aged 44, was jailed for 12 years after admitting six counts of forced buggery, living off male prostitution and supplying heroin. The judge said he had considered jailing him for life but had reduced the sentence because he had admitted the offences and because he had given evidence.

Tony Stevens, now 45, admitted ten counts of rape, buggery and indecent assault on boys, including the 12-year-old Wayne, and was jailed for eight years.

John Gay was jailed for 12 years on 13 counts of buggering and indecently assaulting boys – including the 12-year-old Wayne – and supplying them with drugs.

Lee Tucker was sentenced to eight years on nine similar counts. He jumped bail just before the end of the trial and has not yet been captured.

Alan ‘Elsie’ Tanner, 61, who regularly sold cannabis to children, was jailed for nine years for living off male prostitution and indecently assaulting boys, including the schoolboy who was picked up at the bus stop.

Sean Roberts, 44, was jailed for four years for indecent assault; charges of rape and buggery were not pursued.

Kevin Warfield, 39, (Kevin the Gerbil) who lived at Churchill Road, was jailed for eight years for three buggeries and two indecent assaults.

Gerry Wilkins, now aged 63, (Gerry the Dog) who lived at Churchill Road, was given two years probation for indecently assaulting the 13-year-old who was addicted to heroin by Chris Leek.
Peter Clarke, now aged 51, a regular visitor to Anchor Road, where he used his ice cream van to befriend boys, was jailed for three years for indecent assaults on five different boys; the court heard he bought sex with the 12-year-old schoolboy as a regular Friday afternoon treat. He had tried to commit more serious offences but was too obese to do so.

Brian Greenroyd, 36, who had previously been convicted of raping a woman iin 1987, was jailed for 17 months for indecent assault.

Rob Hutchings, now aged 50, who lived at 49 Churchill Road and who had been convicted of gross indecency in 1991, was given a 12 month conditional discharge for indecent assault.

Peter Purvis, probation for linked offences.

Nick Davies : Concocting A Horror Story

Anybody who has been plugged into the news over the past few months could be forgiven for believing that police searching a former care home in Jersey have already found evidence of children being murdered. This belief could have been encouraged by headlines such as: ” ‘Six or more’ bodies at Jersey children’s home” (Evening Standard); “Does Colditz cellar hide a mass grave?” (Daily Mail); “Police ‘on verge’ of discovering more child remains” (Daily Telegraph); “More remains in secret chamber” (the Times); “Six more bodies feared buried in Jersey home” (the Guardian).

The search is not yet over. It is possible that evidence of homicide will yet emerge. However as of today, as Jersey’s deputy chief officer, Lenny Harper, who is leading the inquiry, said last week: “We haven’t found any evidence of any death caused by foul play.”

Jersey police are running a major inquiry into some very serious allegations of sexual and physical abuse at the children’s home. This takes them back into the same very difficult territory explored by numerous mainland forces over the past two decades when former residents of homes in England and Wales came forward with chilling claims of mistreatment. That story is familiar.

What singled out the Jersey story from its predecessors – what guaranteed the torrent of news coverage – was the idea of children not only being physically and sexually attacked, but also then being killed and buried in the dark corners of the home. Thus far, that coverage has been a model of the internal mechanics of the kind of false and distorted stories which are now so common in our news media.

It started with a piece of bone. At about 9.30 in the morning on Saturday February 23, Jersey police digging under the stairwell at the former home at Haut de la Garenne found something that a forensic anthropologist on site cautiously identified as part of the back of a child’s skull. That afternoon, Harper put out a press release announcing the find.

This, in itself, was an interesting decision. It was open to Harper to continue his search without publicity, but he and his team had already decided that, in order to avoid the risk of interference from “elements of the Jersey political elite” whom he openly distrusts – and in order to reassure witnesses and to encourage others to come forward – they would go public with whatever they found. This was inherently risky since it meant releasing information before it could be checked.
And Harper had allowed himself one compromise in his strategy of openness: he would not release details that might be picked up from a newspaper and recycled by a future witness. For this reason, he chose in the press release to refer with deliberate vagueness to the discovery of “what appears to be partial remains of a child”. That opened the door to Fleet Street’s imagination.

By the time the Sunday papers got hold of this, the News of the World had found the whole skull; the Sunday Times and the Observer had found “parts” of a child’s skeleton; and others had found the entire body. By Monday morning, the London Evening Standard had even uncovered its gender: the bone fragment was “the skeleton of a girl”.
Story demolished

Armed with their dead child, Fleet Street’s warriors plunged into the fight for news. Quietly, in the background,

Jersey police sent the bone fragment off to be examined and, seven weeks later, on April 18, they put out a press release which explained that their forensic archaeologist had now determined that the bone fragment had been on the site since before the 1940s, possibly since Victorian times. This meant that it could not possibly be anything to do with the allegations of abuse that Harper was investigating, which date from the late 1950s.

In other words, this completely demolished the origin of Fleet Street’s story. The Sun and the Mail tucked that devastating information into one line in the nether reaches of an update on the police search. No other national newspaper even mentioned it to their much-misled readers. Journalists were too deep into their own narrative. And they had been led there by a dog called Eddie.

At a press briefing on the day after the discovery of the skull fragment, Harper explained that Eddie, who is trained to react to human remains, had “indicated a number of spots which are forensically interesting to us: six to eight at the moment”.

Harper recalls reporters hammering him with questions: “Are you expecting to find bodies? Is it possible you’ll find bodies?”

He says he conceded that of course it was possible that they would find bodies. This reluctant concession was rapidly converted into the angle of the day. The Sun: “Asked about the dead, deputy chief officer Lenny Harper said bluntly: ‘There could be six or more.’ ” The Evening Standard and the Guardian used similar lines.

“All this about six more bodies,” Harper told me. “We never said that. That was certainly inaccurate and out of proportion.” And now, nine weeks after the finding of the skull fragment, police have nearly completed a search of eight sites to which Eddie reacted. Three were empty. A fourth appears to be empty, though there is a little digging still to go. In the remaining four, police have found: two human milk teeth; some bone fragments, animal or human; five bloodstained items; and a bath with tiny spots of blood. All are being tested. None of these, as Harper insists, is necessarily sinister.

“It’s a children’s home. Kids lose teeth. They get cut. On the other hand, these items may be important.”

Fleet Street, however, opted to assume the most sinister implications for all the finds and went further, ominously drawing attention to the fact that the bath in the cellar was “bolted to the floor”, as though most baths were mobile; and lingering over the apparently surprising fact that, just as witnesses had said, this cellar was “very dark”. Two further finds – a set of manacles and an old pit containing lime – produced still more sinister headlines, even though as yet neither find has any explanation.

Feral coverage

Harper tried to rein in the more feral coverage. When he heard during the first week that CNN and Sky were reporting the discovery of the bodies of two children, he immediately spoke to a Sky reporter who went live with his denial (though Harper says CNN carried on running it). He tried to make clear that they had allegations of the unexplained disappearance of children, two of whom have since been found alive and well, and, as the official transcript of a press briefing records, he did tell reporters: “We have no allegations that anyone died or was murdered here.” That didn’t make the news.

The effect of the coverage in Jersey has been traumatic, with the Jersey Evening Post complaining of “a toxic mixture of rumour, imagination, political opportunism and irresponsible national media reporting”, while one Jersey politician, Deputy Sean Power, last week questioned the home affairs minister about Harper’s media handling of the original bone fragment. The Week magazine has formally and “shamefacedly” apologised for its reporting, blaming “the flavour of the reports in the British press as a whole”, as well as its own “insufficient care and attention in researching”.

Harper accepts that his strategy of openness was high-risk. And certainly some of his press releases encouraged speculation, repeatedly describing the police search as “a potential homicide inquiry”. However, the news media succumbed to some of their own most worrying endemic weaknesses.

Like so many false and distorted stories, this one was driven by PR, here from the police. That PR material was used by media outlets without sufficient checks and then recycled secondhand by masses of others, all of them falling foul of the commercialised media’s in-built preference for certainty over doubt; for fitting facts into fictional templates; for taking the safe road of running the same angle as the rest of the media; and, most of all, for running stories which sell.

He remains passionately committed to his inquiry: “What I am absolutely certain about is that horrific abuse went on in that home.” He and his team may yet find evidence of murder. They are particularly interested in test results, due soon, which may show that bone fragments which they found are human and recent and possibly linked to the milk teeth found near them. But that would be another story.

Sunday, November 27, 2011

Sarah Bland : Justice For The Bland Family

Innocent and beautiful; Sarah Bland as a toddler

Sarah Bland : Ireland Sexual Child Abuse

Maire Geoghegan-Quinn retired from politics later because of a scandal involving her son at a public school.This is curious shortly after her intervention in a SRA case involving Sarah Bland.

Brian McDermot : Was Brian Murdered By His Older Brother ? And The Two Boys Who Disappeared At The EXACT Same Time What Happened To Them ?

Child Abuse : Kincora - Missing Boy Brian McDermot Two other Boys Disappeared At The Exact Same Time (1973)

There is also another case where a boy was murdered , dismembered and burnt! This was the case of Brian McDermot in 1973 when he was found in the River Lagan , a period after he went missing. The Belfast newspapers also claimed that Brian was the subject for a satanic ritual murder !

There are still two other boys missing from Belfast at exactly the same time!

Many articles were written about these cases over the years and some people believe the the case of Brian McDermot was connected with the Kincora Scandal which broke in the late 1970s. more

Child Abuse : Kincora Scandal - MP Ted Heath Visits Kincora

Hunt admitted to the
interviewer that he was concerned about certain goings on at the time, which
prompted a letter to the Guardian from Tony Benn saying how disgraceful it
was that it had taken more than 20 years for Hunt to ever let his concern

The same programme also revealed how, sometime in 1973 during the
power crisis, then PM Heath met with William Waldegrave, historian Martin
Gilbert (endless volumes on Churchill, itself controversial given the
restricted access to his papers) and Daily Express disinformation conduit
Chapman Pincher, where the latter three impressed upon Heath the importance
of dishing personal dirt upon Wilson (it was not specified exactly what that

Heath point-blank refused, insisting on campaigning on politics alone.

His mistake, perhaps, in more ways that one, as it was not long after that
Heath himself was being smeared in the press with references to his "visits"
to the Kincora Boys' Home in Northern Ireland.

He was deposed asConservative Party leader by MI5 apparatchik Airey Neave, whose protege Margaret Thatcher was.

Child Abuse : The Kincora Scandal And MP Ted Heath

Above: Colin Wallace (second from right) in the company of PM Ted Heath and high ranking military personel . Colin Wallace was described as a "potential" high flier and he rubbed shoulders with the rich and influencial in British military and political circles in the 1970s and 1980s.
Colin Wallace worked for British Military Intelligence , Misinformation and Psyops Dept , in the 1970s . Wallace was ordered by his superiors to investigate the Kincora Boys Home in east Belfast and the behaviour of William McGrath and the other staff members. The abusers were described in Chris Moore's and Paul Foot's books as homosexuals but there are others who would prefer to use the words "child abuse" when it comes to describing the activities of those involved in the Kincora Case. The names McGrath , Semple and Mains are widely known but it has become obvious that there are other names of powerful and well-known people who have connections with the Kincora saga and whose identities the so-called authorities have tried to keep secret since the scandal broke . One such person who has been reported to have visited Kincora is Ted Heath , the former Conservative MP and British more

Brian McDermot : 1973 Murder Of Schoolboy Brian McDermot

New hunt opens for 'grotesque' child killer
Witchcraft not ruled out in killing of boy 30 years ago

POLICE have not ruled out witchcraft or paedophilia as motives for Northern Ireland's most gruesome child murder, it emerged today.

Detectives have appealed for fresh information about the death of 10-year-old Brian McDermott, 30 years after his murder.

Brian disappeared from a playground in Ormeau Park, south Belfast, on Sunday, September 2, 1973. His badly mutilated torso and arm were recovered from the River Lagan a week later.

Detective Chief Inspector George Hamilton said he remained optimistic that someone could be brought to justice for the murder, although it happened so long ago. He believed there were people in the park on the day of Brian's disappearance who had not yet talked to police.

"People, for a variety of reasons, may not have felt free to come forward to the police in 1973," he said.

"There are technologies and investigative opportunities open to me as a senior investigator in 2003 that weren't available to my counterparts in 1973.

"What I want to do is try to exploit those to the maximum to try to bring the person or persons to justice for this horrific and grotesque crime.

"But although I am optimistic and I believe it is achievable, I am also realistic.

"It can only be done if I get more information from people who I believe saw something here in Ormeau Park on Sunday, September 2, 1973."

Mr Hamilton said that his team had reviewed the child sex, witchcraft and sectarian motives which were suggested during the original inquiry.

"I believe that out of the large number of lines of inquiries and motives mentioned in 1973, that there's one or two that with help from the public we can develop this investigation and really take it forward, and hopefully bring it to a conclusion and bring these people to justice and bring some closure to the family," he said.

The police team had been in close contact with Brian's family, who left Northern Ireland in the 1970s because of the murder, Mr Hamilton said.

Brian's mother is currently in frail health, and his father died several years ago.
Mr Hamilton urged anyone who wished to pass information to police in confidence to contact the Crimestoppers line on 0800 555111.
05 September 2003

Saturday, November 26, 2011

Jimmy Savile Said Of Jonathan King -He's a sabra. A sabra is an Israeli fruit that's prickly on the outside and all soft and lovely inside. That's Jonathan King."

In Bed With Jimmy Savile

DJ, marathon man, Top of the Pops presenter and, most famously, fixer. For six decades Jimmy Savile has been an icon of the barmy and bizarre. But is he also an egomaniacal bruiser, as a new documentary suggests? Interview by Simon Hattenstone

Tuesday 11 April 2000The Guardian
'Jimmy Savile? The Jimmy Savile? No. He's not here," says the 7ft giant on the hotel door. Everything's larger than life in Jimmy's world. "I've met Jimmy Savile, and mark my words if he was here you'd know about it. We'd all know about it." The hotel looks as if it closed decades ago, and the giant thunders around the lobby. Wrong hotel? Wrong day? Half an hour later, he returns. "He's in the guest room," he shouts. "Been there all the time." He gives me a look. Sir Jimmy, 73, is lying on the bed decked out in the customary jewels and jingoistic tracksuit. Head back, platinum hair swimming round his shoulders, hyperbolic cigar poking towards heaven. Age has exaggerated his cartoon features - part Worzel Gummidge, part Woody Allen - but he is largely unchanged.
We're here to talk about a documentary Louis Theroux has made about him. Perhaps it's surprising that he's agreed to promote the film. Savile emerges as loveably strange at best; an egomaniacal, evasive bruiser at worst. But he has always surprised us.
Jimmy Savile has been a bizarre icon for six decades.
Miner, wrestler, cycle racer, dancehall manager, marathon man, Britain's first DJ, Mensa member, book reviewer, Top of the Pops presenter, fundraiser extraordinaire, and perhaps most famously the fixer, the man who would one day realise our childhood dreams. Savile rises from the bed to tell an anecdote from his book-reviewing days.
"After a couple of weeks I said, 'I want to expose a book. It's for children and it's dreadful; there's this girl who's well underage and she takes up with a geezer who's yonks old and eventually they schlep off together.' "
What's the book?
"Wait a minute because you're the audience now," Savile chides. "Now bear in mind this was live TV, and I'm saying, personally, I don't think it's a good thing because I don't think an


The creepiest moment in the documentary occurs late at night when he thinks the camera is off, and he talks about the dancehall days. "I wouldn't stand for any nonsense whatsoever. Ever, ever. I never threw anybody out. Tied them up and put them down in the bloody boiler house until I was ready for them. Two o'clock in the fucking morning... We'd tie em up and then we'd come back and I was the judge, jury and executioner. If a copper came and said 'You were a bit heavy with those two guys', I'd say 'Your daughter comes in here, she's 16, she's not supposed to come into town. Presumably you'd like me to look after her. If you don't want me to look after her, tell me and I'll let them dirty slags do what they want to her.' "

When Theroux questioned him the next day, Savile said he was talking metaphorically. I ask him again what he meant. "With words. I tied them up with words. I would never tie anybody up," he says. I tell him I don't believe him. "Some of my people might have done." How long were they tied up for? "Noooooooah. I forget now. How long does it take to eat? We discussed things." Savile likes to refer to himself as the more,3604,178381,00.html

Ted Heath Gave Evidence To The Saville Inquiry Or Better Known As Sunday Bloody Sunday...Jimmy Savile - Media ALWAYS Spell His Name SAVILLE Is This To Confuse ?

Edward Heath - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia - Similar
Sir Edward Richard George "Ted" Heath, KG, MBE, PC (9 July 1916 – 17 July 2005) was a ... 9 Later career; 10 Death; 11 Arundells; 12 Personal life ... Edward Heath (known as "Teddy" as a young man) was born the son of a carpenter and a ..... (In 2003, he gave evidence to the Saville Inquiry and stated that he had never ...

PM Ted Heath And Young Boys

jimmy saville savile jim'll fixt it rare black and white photo Haut de la Garenne childrens home Jersey
 Jimmy Savile, star of children’s television favourite Jim’ll Fix It, sued the Sun in 2008 over a series of articles linking him to Haut de la Garenne, the Jersey children’s home where human remains were found and children were allegedly tortured and sexually abused. He initially denied ever visiting the home, despite photographic evidence to the contrary.

[2011 Sept] The Wheel of Fortune By T Stokes  One of those who stood most to lose was Sir Edward Heath prime minister from 1970-74, who was known to visit the Jersey care home the Haute Garrene among others to take young boys on boating weekends on his yacht called  ‘Morning Cloud’, or as bodyguards referred to it, ‘Morning Sickness’.

    Heath was warned on 4 occasions by the head of the Metropolitan police not to loiter in London’s lavatories and not to try to pick up young boys. Nonetheless, he quickly fell prone blackmailers who insisted he dress up in a ridiculous Gestapo uniform in which he was photographed.

    Under threat of exposure Heath was forced to enter Britain into the Common Market, now the European Union, under very unfavourable conditions. It is still a bone of contention among scholars how he became PM in front of the immensely popular and scholarly Enoch Powell who to all intents and purposes should have been Prime Minister.

[2011] JERSEY:  Children were loaned to rich paedophile yachtsmen  A source spoke to one of his victims and he said about others who were present, and more important, who was supplying the children to him. The person bringing children for him to abuse is Sir Jimmy Saville. He was seen by the witness, victim, taking young boys onboard Heaths yacht the morning cloud when they were at party conference. Saville is known for supplying a number of high profile MP’s with children for them to sexually abuse.

Tony Blair as 'Miranda '  HE WHO PAYS THE PIPER by T. Stokes  How Britain came to be in the EU under such disastrous terms was because Edward Heath was allegedly a coprophiliac, he would regularly take boys from certain care homes away on his boat for weekends. His sheets had to be perfectly white, clean ironed and perfumed, Heaths obsession with this made the boats name 'morning cloud' the subject of many in house jokes, nevertheless he was seriously warned 4 times by the police for hanging around public toilets, special branch had to appoint a man especially to protect him, it was Liberal party Leader Jeremy Thorpes threat to bring down Edward Heath and a big bunch of other politicians, which got him off the Norman Scott attempted murder court case. The name 'Mr. Eddy' was well known on Hampstead Heath and the boys home nearby in the seventies.

PM Edward Heath ( Mr.Eddy ) : Morning Cloud - His Boat Where It Is Alleged He Took Young Boys

PM EDWARD Heath (Mr. Eddy ) : Visits To The KINCORA Boys Home

by Keaney Michael
28 May 2001 13:57 UTC

Mark Jones wrote:

I made a mistake in an earlier post, when I said that the British referendum
on EC membership was held by Ted Heath's govt in 1974; it was not. Harold
Wilson's incoming Labour govt organised the referendum in 1975.


Yes, this was Wilson's pretext for shifting Benn from Industry to Energy.

Thanks for the long post preceding your correction. It was good to be
reminded of E.P. Thompson's "Writing by Candlelight". I dug it out again
last night and was struck by how prescient he was. 

If there is a US analogue to Thompson then it would be "Friendly Fascism: The New Face of Power in America" written by Bertram Gross and published in 1980. There is a Black Rose Books edition still in print of this, and it's well worth a read. Gross was heavily into the development of social indices in the 1960s, as well as Congressional politics, having originally served behind the scenes in the wheeling and dealing surrounding Hubert Humphrey's eventually symbolic (as opposed to effective) full employment bill.

A couple of years ago Channel 4 television broadcast an hour-long documentary on the Wilson plot, basically recycling a lot of David Leigh's stuff and pasting it together with more recent interviews of key figures, including Callaghan's Cabinet Secretary John Hunt.

Hunt admitted to the interviewer that he was concerned about certain goings on at the time, which prompted a letter to the Guardian from Tony Benn saying how disgraceful it was that it had taken more than 20 years for Hunt to ever let his concern slip.

The same programme also revealed how, sometime in 1973 during the power crisis, then PM Heath met with William Waldegrave, historian Martin Gilbert (endless volumes on Churchill, itself controversial given the restricted access to his papers) and Daily Express disinformation conduit Chapman Pincher, where the latter three impressed upon Heath the importance of dishing personal dirt upon Wilson (it was not specified exactly what that was).

Heath point-blank refused, insisting on campaigning on politics alone.

His mistake, perhaps, in more ways that one, as it was not long after that Heath himself was being smeared in the press with references to his "visits" to the Kincora Boys' Home in Northern Ireland. He was deposed as Conservative Party leader by MI5 apparatchik Airey Neave, whose protege Margaret Thatcher was.

Leigh, together with former Scotsman editor Magnus Linklater, wrote in many ways the definitive account of the Westland Affair which, arguably, came closer to bringing down Thatcher than any class warfare.

Coming hot on the heels of the miner's strike, it involved the first real public signs of the split Mark identifies within the UK establishment, with Michael Heseltine famously walking out of the Cabinet and beginning his long takeover bid of the Conservative Party via its Europhile wing.

Westland Helicopters was basically dead in the water and was surviving on government handouts such as "aid" packages to India whereby India got £350 million worth of dud helicopters manufactured by Westland paid for by HMG.

Heseltine went to extraordinary lengths to put together a European rescue deal involving British Aerospace, Daimler-Benz, Aerospatiale, etc., whereas Thatcher and Leon Brittan (Trade and Industry Secretary) were supporting the takeover by US Sikorsky-Fiat.

The leaking of a memo (to the Guardian) from Brittan effectively revealing the dirty tricks being employed to frustrate Heseltine led to Brittan resigning (not that he suffered -- he ended up being Vice-President of the European Commission for his trouble) and to Thatcher preparing to resign, were it not for the hopelessly inept performance of Neil Kinnock as an Opposition leader rather more concerned to dish it out to the entryist Militant Tendency (see Mark's earlier post).

Thatcher appointed Sir John Cuckney to oversee the transition from effective receivership to subsidiary of Sikorsky Fiat.

Cuckney's background was MI5 and he is a recurring figure in the history of British establishment fixes.

For instance, it was he who came out of nowhere to clean up the mess of the Robert Maxwell pensions scandal ten years ago.

Meanwhile British Aerospace had some heavyweights of their own, including Sir Raymond Lygo, former vice-chief of the admiralty.

All of this leads me to support Mark's claims re the switch made by MI5 and the redundancy of the Sherman/McWhirter/Pincher/Rees-Mogg/Harris clan.

This is because of the centrality to the UK political economy of its "defence" establishment, in much the same way as the military-industrial complex is vital to the functioning of the US political economy. Except to say that, in a country as small as Britain, control of the levers of power can be more firmly grasped than in the US where the Pentagon must often compete with both the Treasury-Wall Street complex and a troublesome Constitution (troublesome inasmuch as it exists at all, unlike the nicely ambiguous Crown prerogative that makes the UK an elective dictatorship).

Such has been the hollowing out of the City of London as formerly prized assets have fallen prey to overseas predators that the UK state apparatus is more firmly in the grasp of the military-security components than ever before.

Coupled with a government that has no ideological disdain for the use of state power (Thatcher and her successors actually came to believe in their anti-statist propaganda, which is far too dangerous when applied as rigorously as it came to be) and you've got a situation which is an almost perfect reproduction of the sort of scenarios being painted by Thompson over 20 years ago.

Michael K.

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

#Snowflake : The True Story Behind The Snowflake

It’s  really arctic cold outside. I hardly doubt that there is anyone who’s right now thinking about the problem of global warming and that this year was one of the hottest ones ever! Despite the cold weather, there is one thing that makes a winter so adorable time of year – amazingly beautiful snowflakes!


Saturday, November 12, 2011

#Fukushima #Radiating Americans : #Clinton's Secret Food Pact !

#FBI #ScotlandYard : Biggest Fraud Case

In a stunning twist in the Carroll Foundation Charitable Trust scandal it has emerged that Sir John Chilcot the UK Government's highly respected security services mandarin who came out of the shadows to chair the Iraq Inquiry is understood to have conducted a range of in-depth discussions with one of the primary victims Gerald Carroll immediately prior to the shocking ransacking seizure of the Carroll Trust's multi-million dollar Eaton Square Belgravia penthouse and Westminster residences. Air Chief Marshal Sir Patrick Hine and Mark Field MP for Westminster are also among the glittering array of British establishment figures who are deeply involved in this case of international importance.

Latest American and British media reports have stated that the entire contents of the trust's residences were completely stolen including the theft of priceless US Anglo-Irish national treasures and rare illuminated manuscripts collections dating from the thirteenth century. It is believed that the world renowned Carroll Institute Oxford University academic research establishment under the umbrella of the parallel Carroll Maryland Trust has also been the target of the named white collar crime syndicate which continues to operate in the offshore tax havens of the Bahamas Gibraltar and at premises in the City of London with impunity.

UK Government leaked sources have now disclosed that the Carroll Trust's Carroll Aircraft Corporation group were utilised within the framework of a trans-national crime syndicate operation which effectively triggered the criminal liquidation and tax fraud embezzlement of a staggering one billion dollars of the trust's world wide interests. Further sources have revealed that both the FBI and Scotland Yard who are charged with this case have recently obtained Carroll Aircraft prosecution files which are understood to contain a startling litany of forged and falsified UK Companies House registered Farnborough Aerospace Development Corporation Plc Carroll Aircraft Corporation Plc and Strategic Research & Development Corporation Plc dummy shell corporations directly linked to fraudulent HSBC 8-12 Victoria Street Westminster bank accounts. It has emerged that a former Conservative Party HQ Central Office Director who has been named as Sir Anthony Garner is also seriously implicated in his capacity as a former Director of the Farnborough Aerospace Development Corporation Plc.

The Carroll Aircraft Corporation's interests are known to have embraced over two hundred and fifty million dollars of military-industrial complex investment holdings including aviation assets which are thought to have involved a full spectrum of civilian/military jets and helicopters. In a sensational further disclosure it has emerged that HSBC were one of the main banking institutions for the Carroll Global Corporation Group which ultimately fell victim of a multiple criminal seizure operation over a number of years.